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Israr Ahmed
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April 9, 2024
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Who is Israr Ahmed?
Israr Ahmad (26 April 1932 – 14 April 2010) stood as a prominent Pakistani Islamic scholar, revered orator, and theologian. His renown extended throughout South Asia, drawing followers from South Asian Muslim communities across the Middle East, Western Europe, and North America. He authored roughly 60 books delving into the realms of Islam and Pakistan, with twenty-nine of these works translated into numerous languages, including English by 2017. In 1956, he distanced himself from Jamaat-e-Islami due to its active engagement in electoral politics. He then established Tanzeem-e-Islami. In line with fellow Sunni Islamic activists, he fervently advocated for the holistic integration of Quranic teachings, Sunnah, and Sharia law into every facet of life. He passionately championed the restoration of the Caliphate as an Islamic state and expressed apprehensions about Western values posing a threat to both Islam and Pakistan. He underscored Pakistan's pivotal role, rather than Arab lands, as the bedrock for establishing a new caliphate. Moreover, he opposed democratic governance and held staunch views against Shi'i Islam. For his notable contributions, he received the Sitara-i-Imtiaz, Pakistan's esteemed third-highest civilian award, in 1981.
Israr's Life And Education
Born on April 26, 1932, in Hisar, Punjab, Ahmad hailed from a family entrenched in civil service under the British government. His father’s profession led to their relocation from Hisar to Montgomery, now Sahiwal, in the Punjab Province of pakistan .
Completing his early education locally, Ahmad ventured to Lahore pursue studies at King Edward Medical University in 1950. Graduating with an MBBS degree in 1954, he commenced his medical practice. Alongside this, he pursued a master’s degree in Islamic Studies from the University of Karachi, which he earned in 1965.
Ahmad briefly engaged with the Muslim Student’s Federation during the Independence Movement and, post Pakistan’s inception in 1947, contributed to Islami Jami`yat-e-Talaba. In 1950, he joined Jamaat-e-islam led by Abul Ala Maududi. However, Ahmad distanced himself from the party in 1957 when it decided to participate in electoral politics, believing that this contradicted the revolutionary approach adopted by the Jama’at in the pre-1947 era. His interest in Islam and philosophy deepened, leading him to relocate to Karachi in the 1960s, where he enrolled at Karachi University to further his study of islam.
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influences
Supporters depict Ahmad’s vision of Islam as a synthesis drawn from diverse sources. He collaborated closely with Syed Abul A’la Maududi (1903–1979) and Amin Ahsan Islahi, alongside Wahiduddin Khan, Naeem Siddiqui, and Javed Ahmad Ghamidi. Additionally,the profound influence of Shah Waliullah Dehlawi, the 18th-century Indian Islamic leader, anti-colonial activist, jurist, and scholar.
Regarding Quranic interpretation, Ahmad adhered firmly to the tradition of Mahmud Hasan Deobandi and Shabbir Ahmad Usmani. Yet, he presented Quranic teachings in a manner that was both scientific and enlightened. He espoused what he termed “Islamic revolutionary thought,” advocating for the comprehensive implementation of Islam—embracing the teachings of the Qur’an and the Sunnah—in social, cultural, legal, political, and economic domains. His approach aligned with the philosophies of Muhammad Rafiuddin and Muhammad Iqbal.
The initial attempts to actualize this concept were reportedly made by Abul Kalam Azad through his short-lived party, the Hizbullah. Abul Ala Maududi also endeavored in this direction through his Jamaat-e-Islami party. Despite the Jamaat-e-Islami gaining some influence, Ahmad departed from the party in 1956, citing its participation in electoral politics as a reason for what he perceived as a shift from a pure Islamic revolutionary entity to a mere political one.
Career
Originally a member of Jamaat-e-Islami, Ahmad expressed disappointment with its shift towards electoral involvement, citing disagreements on significant policy matters. He criticized the party for what he perceived as a failure to actively strive for an Islamic renaissance through a revolutionary process. He viewed Jamaat-e-Islami’s entry into power politics as a disastrous step.
In response, Ahmad and several others resigned from JI and established the foundation of Tanzeem-e-Islami in 1956. They formulated a resolution that later became the cornerstone of Tanzeem-e-Islami’s Mission Statement.
Israr Ahmad dedicated himself to revitalizing what he termed as “the Qur’an-centered Islamic perennial philosophy and worldview.” He asserted that his objective, shared by his organizations, was to bring about societal reform in a practical manner, with the ultimate goal of establishing a true Islamic State or the System of Khilafah.
Tanzeem e-Islami
In 1971, Ahmad decided to cease his medical practice and instead initiated a movement aimed at revitalizing Islam. This initiative led to the establishment of the Markazi Anjuman Khuddam-ul-Quran Lahore in 1972, the founding of Tanzeem-e-Islami in 1975, and the launch of Tehreek-e-Khilafat Pakistan in 1991.
Television
Israr Ahmad’s recognition and the growth of Tanzeem-e-Islami (TI) remained relatively modest until 1981. It was during this time that President Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, who aimed to “Islamize” Pakistan, requested the state-owned Pakistan Television channel (PTV) to provide Israr a weekly platform. This show marked one of the earliest instances in Pakistan where a scholar delivered Islamic lectures in front of a live audience on television. Israr is believed to have played a pivotal role in influencing changes within Pakistan TV during that period. These changes included the shift away from Western dress for women and the encouragement of hijab. However, he later chose not to appear on television after segments of his program advocating for a ban on televising cricket matches were censored. Despite this, by then, he had garnered a substantial following in Pakistan.
Publications
Relingious and political views
Governance
Ahmad objected to contemporary democracy and the dominant electoral structure, contending that within an authentic Islamic state, the ruler possesses the authority to nullify the majority rulings of an elected assembly.
Abul Ala maududi
Although Israr Ahmad “identifies as a result” of the teachings of Abul Ala Maududi’s “all-encompassing and complete concept of Islamic responsibilities,” he opposed the involvement of Jamaat-e-Islami in “the realm of power-based politics.” [11] Instead, he advocated for a “revolutionary approach” [12] carried out by a “well-regulated group.”
caliphate
While numerous Sunni advocates aim for the reinstatement of the Caliphate, an “integral element of Ahmad’s beliefs” was his conviction that “the underpinnings for the caliphate” shouldn’t reside in Hijaz, Baghdad, or other conventional locations, but rather in Pakistan. He held that “the core spiritual hub of the Islamic intellectual movement had relocated” to this region.
Hizb ut- Tahrir
Both Hizb ut-Tahrir and Tanzeem-e-Islami hold a common belief in the restoration of the Caliphate as a means of instituting Islam across all aspects of life, as per Tanzeem-e-Islami‘s FAQ. However, Tanzeem-e-Islami pursues a grassroots Islamic resurgence that would catalyze a political transformation, diverging from engagement in electoral politics, armed conflict, or coups to establish a caliphate. Tanzeem-e-Islami contends that following the Islamic revolution, the selection of the Khalifah would be based on electoral mandates. The organization stresses the necessity of revitalizing faith (iman) within “a significant segment of Muslim society” before an Islamic resurgence can occur.
Non-violence
As per Ahmad’s organization, Tanzeem-e-Islam‘s website in 2017: “We firmly believe that an Islamic state can be established in Pakistan through a widespread, non-violent movement … a coup d’etat cannot yield a sustainable and positive transformation as it fails to address the alteration of people’s beliefs and ideologies.” However, critic Farhan Zahid highlights that “several” members of Tanzeem-e-Islam “have purportedly been apprehended in relation to IS’ Khorasan province and charged by authorities with involvement in funding terrorism,” and that “presentations” by Israr “continue to circulate among extremist groups online, sparking concerns that the organization serves as a gateway to Islamist radicalism.”
Anti- Shi'i views :
Scholar Vali Nasr contends that during the 1980s, Ahmad became involved in Saudi Arabia’s campaign against Shiites, notably through his “widely attended Friday sermons in Bagh-i Jinnah park in Lahore.” The campaign transitioned from critiquing Khomeini and his ideologies to repositioning Shi’ism “beyond the boundaries” of Islam, eventually transforming “theological disputes into communal conflicts.” This initiative ultimately escalated into violent clashes. Estimates suggest that as many as 4,000 individuals fell victim to sectarian violence between Shia and Sunni communities in Pakistan from 1987 to 2007.
Role Of Women
In 1982, Ahmad stirred controversy by stating that women ought to be restricted from all fields of work except medicine and education”.
cricket
During a discussion with then-president Zia-ul Haq, Ahmad advocated for the prohibition of the game of cricket. During certain TV appearances addressing a studio audience, Ahmad expressed dissatisfaction:
“Cricket is diverting Pakistanis from their religious duties, I firmly believe that broadcasting cricket matches should be avoided on TV.” Ahmad also asserted that solely males should have the privilege to view cricket matches. Later, he voiced concern that bowlers were engaging in inappropriate gestures while handling the cricket ball.